Ethiopian Center

Joe Frazier, one of the biggest sports icons of the 1960s and 70s, passed away tonight from liver cancer at the age of 67. He was diagnosed less than six weeks ago and spent his final days in a Philadelphia-area hospice.
His family released this statement:

“We The Family of the 1964 Olympic Boxing Heavyweight Gold Medalist, Former Heavyweight Boxing Champion and International Boxing Hall of Fame Member Smokin’ Joe Frazier, regrets to inform you of his passing. He transitioned from this life as “One of God’s Men,” on the eve of November 7, 2011at his home in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. We thank you for your prayers for our Father and vast outpouring of love and support.

Respectfully, we request time to grieve privately as a family. Our father’s home going celebration will be announced as soon as possible. Thank you for your understanding.”

In the weeks before his death, Frazier was said to have lost 50 pounds. Friends like Rev. Jesse Jackson and fellow heavyweight king Larry Holmes requested visits, but Frazier decided against it.

“Joe doesn’t want to see anybody, the way he is now,” his manager Les Wolff explained earlier this week. “I think you can understand why. He’s a proud man.”

Frazier’s legacy is etched in stone as part of the greatest individual rivalry in sports history. The stocky, less-than-graceful Frazier was the perfect foil for the elegant and athletic Muhammad Ali.
Their trilogy, contested between 1971-75, tops everything else in boxing’s long history. Frazier was the first person to defeat Ali.

Outside the ring, Frazier was helpless in the p.r. battle against the loquacious and charismatic Ali. Ali made it personal before their first meeting in 1971 calling the quiet Frazier an “Uncle Tom.”

Both unbeaten, Frazier met Ali in New York City’s Madison Square Garden on March 8, 1971 and got his revenge on Ali’s trash talk by winning “The Fight of the Century” via unanimous decision. He cemented the victory by flooring Ali with a leaping left hook, his trademark punch, in the 15th round.

Frazier, a reserved gentleman, was never going to win a trash talk battle against Ali. Ali went on to win the 1972 rematch against Frazier, again at MSG.

The third fight in the Philippines, “The Thrilla in Manila” trumped the first two. The back-and-forth battle, ended after 14 rounds because Frazier’s eyes were nearly swollen shut. His trainer, Eddie Futch, argued with his fighter before calling it a night. On a night with the temperature in Manila hovered around 100 degrees, rounds 13 and 14 were grueling. Both fighters were completely exhausted, but still wailed away at each other.

Frazier fought just two more times. He lost badly to George Foreman in 1976 and fought to a draw during a short-lived comeback in 1981.

Frazier, the son of Rubin and Dolly Frazier. was born in the poor town of Beaufort, S.C. He was the youngest of 12 children. He relocated to Philadelphia as a teenager.

While working in a slaughterhouse, Frazier began to take boxing seriously. By the time he was 20, Frazier was one of the elite heavyweight prospects in the world. He stormed to the Olympic heavyweight gold medal in 1964 in Tokyo. Six years later, he was the king of the heavyweight division, winning the WBA belt with a fifth-round TKO stoppage of Jimmy Ellis.

Frazier was inducted into the International Boxing Hall of Fame in 1990. He finished his brilliant career with professional record of 32-4-1, with 27 wins by knockout.

A Plague of Thieves Visited on Africa

For the past four decades, a plague of cold-blooded thieves has descended upon Africa like a swarm of blood sucking ticks. These thieves masquerading as leaders have been trafficking in Africa’s natural resources and trading in the wealth created by the blood, tears and sweat of African peoples. Now U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder, America’s top law enforcement officer, says to Africa’s biggest thieves: “You can run with Africa’s stolen treasures but you can’t hide them in America!”

In July 2010, in a breathtaking act of legal diplomacy, U.S. Attorney General Holder travelled to meet Africa’s greatest kleptocrats in Uganda and delivered a staggering message: “The U.S. Department of Justice is launching a new Kleptocracy Asset Recovery Initiative aimed at combating large-scale foreign official corruption and recovering public funds for their intended – and proper – use: for the people of our nations. We’re assembling a team of prosecutors who will focus exclusively on this work and build upon efforts already underway to deter corruption, hold offenders accountable, and protect public resources.” Holder’s move was so surreal and stunning that I described it as the equivalent of filing a sealed indictment against “La Commissione” – the Godfathers of the Bonnano, Columbo, Gambino, Genovese, and Lucchese crime families in New York City, Chicago, Detroit, Miami, Atlantic City, Las Vegas, St. Louis, Los Angeles and Philadelphia.

The Rape of Equatorial Guinea by the Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo Family

Teodoro Nguema Obiang Mangue, the 43-year old son of President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo of Equatorial Guinea, is now facing asset seizures by the U.S. and other European governments. The U.S. has filed legal action to take away Mangue’s property valued at tens of millions of dollars because they were allegedly acquired with money stolen from the people of Equatorial Guinea. Mangue is the heir apparent and Minister of Forestry and Agriculture of that tiny west African nation with a population of 680,000, seventy percent of which lives below the poverty line. Mangue reportedly earns a monthly salary of USD$6,799.

U.S. law allows the government to seize cash, personal or real property of a person or entity if the government can trace the property to “specified unlawful activity”. Such activity includes foreign offenses involving “extortion”, “money laundering” or the “misappropriation, theft or embezzlement of public funds by or for the benefit of a public official” of a foreign government. (18 U.S. C. sections 981 (a) (1) (c); 1956; 1957.) Mangue is not facing any criminal charges at this time and the proceedings are against the items of property alone in the form of “United States v. One White Crystal-Covered Bad Tour Glove…” Mangue becomes a third party claimant if he decides to defend.

In a 46-page civil forfeiture action filed in mid-October by U.S. Justice Department in California and a separate but similar action filed in the District of Columbia in late October, the U.S. Justice Department details its claims against Mangue. Among the items of property the Justice Department wants to seize include Michael Jackson’s white crystal-covered gloves valued at $275,000 and a pair of crystal-covered socks valued at $80,000, a $30 million Gulfstream jet, and a variety of super-cars including two Bugatti Veyrons worth $2million, eight Ferarraris, seven Rolls Royces, Five Bentleys, four Mercedes one Aston Martin and one Masarati. The government also seeks to seize a 12-acre estate (pictured above) overlooking the Pacific Ocean in Malibu, CA valued at $38.5 million.

Teodoro Obiang and Africa’s Forty Thieves

Ali Baba and his forty thieves have nothing on the Teodoro Obiangs and Africa’s Forty Thieves. Neither do the European colonizers who had plundered and picked Africa’s bones clean. At least they left behind a few bones behind for the benefit of the archaeologists. Africa’s thieving dictators over the past four decades have stripped Africa so completely that they are now gang-mugging Africa’s ghost. As Africans die from famine, starvation, poverty, disease, civil war and conflict and suffer from illiteracy and economic woes, Teodoro Obiang and Africa’s Forty Thieves are spreading their empires of corruption to the four corners of the earth.

Let the facts speak for themselves:

Sudan. Dictator Omar al-Bashir, according to a WikiLeaks cablegram, has amassed fortune that boggles the mind: “International Criminal Court [ICC] Prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo told [U.S.] Ambassadors Rice and Wolff on March 20 [2009] that [Ocampo] would put the figure of Sudanese President Bashir’s stash of money at possibly $9 billion.”

Zimbabwe. In 2010, dictator Robert Mugabe announced his plan to sell “about $1.7 billion of diamonds in storage” (probably rejects of his diamond-crazed wife Grace). According to a Wikileaks cablegram, “a small group of high-ranking Zimbabwean officials (including Grace Mugabe) have been extracting tremendous diamond profits.” Mugabe is so greedy that he stole outright “£4.5 million from [aid] funds meant to help millions of seriously ill people.”

Kenya. The 2004 Kroll Report revealed that former president Daniel Arap Moi stole billions of dollars using a “web of shell companies, secret trusts and frontmen” and secreted the loot in 30 countries. Moi’s “relatives and associates of Mr. Moi siphoned off more than £1bn of government money.” Moi’s sons “Philip and Gideon – were reported to be worth £384m and £550m respectively.” Current president Mwai Kibaki stonewalled further action on the report, including prosecution of Moi.

Niger. In 2010, Niger’s state auditor reported that “at least 64 billion CFA francs [USD$128-million] were stolen from Niger’s state coffers under the government of former president Mamadou Tandja.”

Nigeria. Ex-President Sani Abacha, who stole some $2bn in the five years he ruled the country was determined to be a member of a criminal organization by a Swiss court.

Libya. Moamar Gadhafi is believed to have stashed $200bn dollars all over the world. Shortly after the Libyan uprising last February, the British Government announced that it expected to seize “around £20 billion in liquid assets of the Libyan regime, mostly in London.” The Swiss Government similarly issued an order for the immediate freeze of assets belonging to Gaddafi and his entourage in the amount of 613 million Swiss francs (USD$658 million), with an additional 205 million francs (USD$220 million) in paper or fiduciary operations. In 2008, Gadhafi’s Swiss holdings amounted to 5.7 billion in cash and 812 million francs in paper and fiduciary operations. In 2006, the Libyan Sovereign Wealth Fund had investments of $70 billion. The U.S. has frozen $37 billion in Libyan assets.

Ethiopia. A few months ago, a United Nations Development Program (UNDP) commissioned report from Global Financial Integrity (GFI) on “illicit financial flows” (money stolen by government officials and their cronies and stashed away in foreign banks) from the Least Developed Countries (LDCs) revealed the theft of US$8.4 billion from Ethiopia, the second poorest country on the planet. The anti-corruption agency of the regime in Ethiopia reported in 2008 that “USD$16 million dollars” worth of gold bars simply walked out

Report: Ethiopia at the bottom of world prosperity index
Prosperity Index | November 6, 2011

Editor’s Note – Is Ethiopia a failed state? The following report has all the ingredients of what makes a country lie at the bottom rung of world prosperity index.
Economy – Ranked 104th

Despite high levels of growth and relative optimism about their economic future, Ethiopia faces very high levels of unemployment and dissatisfaction
Ethiopia’s economy faces severe challenges.

Inflation runs at over 8% [39% in Aug 2011; Reuters] and the gross domestic savings rate is only 4% of GDP, comfortably placing Ethiopia in the bottom 30 of the Index on the latter variable. The unemployment rate is almost 21%, which is the sixth highest rate, globally**. Ethiopia places 69th* in terms of affordability of food and shelter, and only four out of 10 people* are satisfied with their standard of living, which places the country 91st in the Index on this variable. Only one in three* people believe that job market opportunities are improving, although the average citizen believes that general economic conditions are getting better*; the country ranks in the top half of the Index with respect to economic expectations. This is consistent with an average increase in GDP per capita of almost 8% annually between 2005 and 2009. There is, however, limited potential for additional growth: capital per worker in Ethiopia is the fourth lowest worldwide, and the country places 76th in terms of market size. At 4%, the proportion of manufactured exports that come from high-tech sectors is very low and non-performing loans account for over 5% of total bank loans. The fact that less than half* of Ethiopians have confidence in the country’s financial institutions, reflects this. However, more positively, the country is attractive as a destination for foreign direct investment. No data on self-reported employment were available.
Entrepreneurship & Opportunity – Ranked 108th

Ethiopia’s weak communications infrastructure and low access to opportunity inhibits entrepreneurship and limits innovation
Income from royalty receipts is low at just over 2.2 million USD, and there is virtually no investment in R&D. ICT goods account for less than 1% of total manufactured exports. Ethiopians ability to start and run a business is highly limited: business start-up costs are high at 14% of GNI per capita, and communication infrastructure is weak with only five mobile phones for every 100 citizens. Furthermore, on both internet provision variables – internet bandwidth and number of secure internet servers – Ethiopia places in the bottom 10 of the Index. What little wealth exists is relatively concentrated: inequality across different socio-economic groups, in terms of education, jobs, and economic status, is among the 20 most pervasive in the world. Possibly as a consequence of this, just 85%* of the population believe that they can get ahead in life by working hard, which places Ethiopia in the bottom half of the Index on this variable. Data on perceptions of the local entrepreneurial environment were not available.

Governance – Ranked 101st

A lack of democratic accountability and confidence blights the Ethiopian political system
Ethiopia’s semi-democratic government suffers from ineffective governance. While political constraints are relatively high, preventing arbitrary exercise of political power, there is very little competition in the executive and legislative branches of government, and the judiciary lacks independence. Levels of approval for the government are low at just over a third* of the population, only 21%* are satisfied with the country’s efforts to address poverty, and 39%* are satisfied with efforts to preserve the environment. On all three variables, Ethiopia places in the bottom 30 of the Index. There appears to be little respect for the rule of law, and the country is notable for its poor regulatory environment for business, placing 101st in the Index on this variable. Levels of confidence in the military and judiciary are both very low*. Ethiopians have few political rights, but 16%* reported having voiced an opinion to a public official recently. Unsurprisingly, only 19%* of the population believe that the electoral process is honest. Data on perceptions of corruption were not available.

Education – Ranked 107th

Ethiopia’s education system is poor at all levels and its population is deeply dissatisfied
The net enrolment rate at the primary level of education is only 83% in Ethiopia. This drops to a gross level of 34% at secondary level, and 4% at tertiary level. On all three variables, Ethiopia ranks amongst the bottom 20 nations in the Index. The country has a significant under representation of girls in primary and secondary education. With only one teacher for every 58 pupils at primary level, there is a massive shortage of educators, and Ethiopian workers are typically poorly educated: an average of 18 months of secondary education per worker is only slightly below the global average, but low level of tertiary education per worker places Ethiopia amongst the bottom 10 countries on this variable. Ethiopia does not fare any better on subjective variables. Just 48%* of the population are satisfied with the quality of their children’s education, while less than a quarter* believe Ethiopian children have the opportunity to learn and grow every day, which is the lowest such rate in the Index.

Health – Ranked 107th

Ethiopia has a health deficit, but its people worry less than any other nationality
On most health outcomes, Ethiopia performs very poorly. Its infant mortality rate, 67 deaths per 1,000 live births, and its health-adjusted life expectancy of 50 years, place Ethiopia among the bottom 20 nations on both variables. Equally, 41% of the population are undernourished. Less than eight in 10 infants are immunised for infectious diseases, and only three-quarters for measles; Ethiopia places 98th and 99th, respectively, on these two variables. Each year, a meagre 30 USD (PPP) is spent per capita on healthcare, the second lowest amount of all countries in the Index. Tuberculosis infections and deaths from respiratory diseases are very high. Access to hospital beds and sanitation facilities is very limited, placing the country 109th and 110th on these measures of health infrastructure, respectively. Only 29%* of people are satisfied with the quality of their water: the lowest such proportion in the world. Still, a surprising 74%* of Ethiopians are satisfied with their general level of health, placing 89th on this variable, while an exceptionally low 13%* reported having worried for a significant part of the previous day, placing the country top of the Index on this variable. This is despite 26%* of Ethiopians reporting debilitating health problems and only four out of 10* Ethiopians feeling well-rested; the country places bottom of the Index on the latter variable. Only 59%* are satisfied with their environmental surroundings, significantly below the global average.

Safety & Security – Ranked 106th

Ethiopia’s national security faces major challenges while citizens also face high levels of crime
Ethiopia has many national security problems and this is reflected in the country’s position in the bottom 30 on most sub-index variables. There are many refugees and internally displaced persons in the country, and the level of group grievances from recent or historical injustices, is very high. The Ethiopian government has been known to engage in political violence and, globally, Ethiopia is the country where expression of political views is perceived by the population to be most* restricted. This may be contributing to the rate of flight of professionals, intellectuals, and political dissidents, which is among the 20 highest rates in the world. Additionally, the country has the second highest level of demographic instability arising from border disputes, ownership or occupancy of land, access to transportation outlets, control of religious or historical sites, or proximity to environmental hazards. There were episodes of civil conflict in 2010. Personal safety is also very poor with 20%* of Ethiopian respondents reporting that they had been recently assaulted, and one out of four* experiencing a theft. Only half* the population feels safe walking alone at night, which is below the international average.

Personal Freedom – Ranked 110th

Ethiopia is one of the least free countries in the world
Ethiopia ranks among the bottom 10 countries for citizens’ freedoms in expression, belief, association, and personal autonomy. Reflecting this, only 40%* of people report satisfaction with their freedom of choice, placing Ethiopia 109th in the Index on this variable. No data on tolerance of immigrants and ethnic and racial minorities were available.

Social Capital – Ranked 86th

Despite high levels of religious attendance, other social networks in Ethiopia are relatively weak
Ethiopia fares poorly on most measures of social capital. At 16%*, the proportion of respondents to a 2007 survey that had donated to charity in the previous month placed 86th in the Index. Just 13%* had formally volunteered in the same time frame, while 34%* had helped a stranger, ranking the country 81st and 97th, respectively, on these variables. Less than half* of respondents were married, while a very low 78%* of Ethiopians reported feeling that they could rely on relatives and friends in times of need. However, religious networks are stronger: a very high 78%* of respondents had attended a religious service in the week prior to the survey, a rate which is the sixth highest in the Index. * Data is taken from the Gallup World Poll ** The terms ‘international’, ‘global’, or ‘world’ are used to reference the 110 Prosperity Index countries, which represent approximately 93% of the world’s population and ¬-97% of global GDP.

* Data taken from the Gallup World Poll
** The terms ‘international’, ‘global’, or ‘world’ are used to reference the 110 Prosperity Index countries, which represent approximately 93% of the world’s population and
97% of global GDP.

“If a person hasn’t discovered something that he will die for, he isn’t fit to live.” – Martin Luther King, Jr.
I’m Eskinder Nega – I am Voice of the Voiceless. I open my mouth for those who are left desolate and I seek justice for the poor and powerless. I am Eskinder Nega, master of my destiny! I am the captain of my ship and I am navigating to a new Ethiopia where my fellow citizens are judged by the content of their character. I’m on a journey and my destination is a land called liberty, equality, and justice in Ethiopia. I travel on a road that is shadowed by death, but I fear not for I am ready to die for the cause of liberty.

My persecutors rejoice in jailing me and have already buried me in their minds and declared “Dust to dust and ashes to ashes”. But there are millions and millions of Eskinders, Andualems, Reeyots, Woubshets, Bekeles, Debebes, Olbanas and everyday heroes who are destined to continue to lead the struggle.

I am Eskinder Nega and I have a message to my fellow Ethiopians: the intimidation, the abuse, the long prison sentences, or even death are daily threats we must face. But we should never back down in defending our dream of freedom and democracy that is killed every day in Ethiopia. There are times when we feel overwhelmed or powerless in defending freedom and democracy against those who rule by brute force. But let’s not forget that our strength comes from our unity, persistence, and determination. If we keep on pushing, Zenawi’s regime will tumble like a house of cards or erupt like an uncorked bottle.
By jailing me in the dark cells of “Maeklawi” prison my persecutors might believe that they have silenced me for good. They have not. How can they silence the voice of freedom? The more they keep me silent, the more my voice is heard for there are millions of Eskinder Negas. I am the inhibited voice of freedom and my voice is heard in all corners of Ethiopia, from Dolo Odo in the south to Zalambessa in the north and from Aysha Dewele in the east to Assosa in the west. I do not need to be radio, TV, or in the news paper to be heard.

I am Eskinder Nega, I love my country and I see my own fate in terms of my country’s destiny. I cannot be a bystander when I see my country being destroyed. I shall fight those who are destroying my country with my pen, ideas, thoughts and prayers. I will not lower myself to the levels of the brutes and use violence because returning violence for violence multiplies violence. I fight the enemies of freedom with the truth, understanding, tenacity and love.

I am Eskinder Nega, a citizen of Ethiopia without freedom and human rights. I have been forced to my profession as a journalists; my newspapers have been shut down. I have always held solid social, political and economic convictions. I shall always be on the side of the people. I am against corruption and crime, but corruption is the from of government in Ethiopia today.

As I sit in solitary confinement in prison, my cell mate is Truth. Truth is also serving a life sentence with me. They can jail me and Truth but they cannot hold us down for both of us fly on the wings of the spirit of freedom. Thought my countrymen and women cannot see my face, I can see their faces and rejoice in the fact that my struggle, and others like me, are giving them hope for a better tomorrow.

I am Eskinder Nega. I am Andualem. I am Reeyot. I am Debebe. I am Bekele. I am Wobshet and millions more. I believe we have the power to subdue Zenawi’s dictatorship with the power of collective civil disobedience. We must refuse to cooperate in every way with those who oppress us and deny us our rights every day. We must learn from the people of North Africa who have peacefully removed their dictators. No one can liberate us except ourselves. No one can struggle for our freedom but ourselves. Unless we defend our rights and stand up to dictators, we cannot expect to achieve freedom.

I am Eskinder Nega. Currently, I may be in jail, but in reality, I am at large. I am chained but my spirit is free. And I am not alone. There are millions and millions of free spirits in Ethiopia today even though the country has been made a large outdoor prison. I think freely and my voice now broadcasts in the voices of my countrymen and women.

Last February when I was forced to appear before the police commissioner, I was warned what will happen to me. The commissioner tried to lecture on the constitution he had barely read and understood even less. He could not even see that he was being used as a tool of oppression. He was using the constitution that was intended to protect me as a hammer over my head.

So, I say to the police and members of the armed forces of Ethiopia, your constitutional obligation is to defend the civil and political liberties of the Ethiopian people not to kill, jail and intimidate them. Your job is not to be personal body guards of those who abuse and mistreat the people but to become shield for the people. You always need to be mindful of the fact that in everything you do, you must stand by the side of the people because you are their sons and daughters. You must not stand on the side of a dictatorship that is quietly dismembering the country and kill the people. You must not stand indifferently because your mothers, fathers, brothers and sisters are dying at the hand of this brutal regime. Remember your forefathers– Balcha Aba Nefso, Abdissa Aga, Zerai Deres, Alula Aba Nega and millions of other unsung heroes. They stood up to the enemy and you must never forget their examples and sacrifices.

This is not the time to be silent. Even I am not silent in prison. It doesn’t matter who you are, how old you are, or where you are. You must stand up and speak up against dictatorship. All Ethiopians must share the responsibility of freeing our country. Ethiopia is not the sole responsibility of Eskinder Nega, Andualem, Reeyot, Debebe, Wobshet and others. She belongs to all of her children, including those who have chosen to injure and wound her so badly. If we don’t stand up for her in this dark hour of her need, when will stand up for her? We must come together now to save Ethiopia from the clutches of dictators and tyrants. We shall overcome!

Washington DC (ESAT News)–The Ethiopian Satellite Television (ESAT) held a successful fundraiser on Sunday, October 30, in the presence of guests of honor and members of the Ethiopian community in Washington Metropolitan Area and nearby states. During the course of the event ESAT officially announced the launch of ESAT Satellite Radio, which has started a 24-hour broadcast to Ethiopia.
Held at the Sheraton National Hotel in Arlington, Virginia, the gathering, attended by well over 400 Ethiopians, also honored artiste Shambel Belayneh, Abebe Belew and Gigi Shibabaw for their notable patriotic contributions. Though artiste Gigi Shibabaw could not attend due to unforeseen circumstances, she sent a message expressing her appreciation and support for ESAT’s commendable efforts to build a formidable alternative media that serves Ethiopians in and outside of the country. Artiste Tamagne Beyene presented the honorees with special plaques from ESAT.

Two of the guests of honor, Dr. Gregory Stanton and Professor Theodore Vestal took turns to endorse ESAT and urged Ethiopians to transcend over political, ethnic and other differences and rally behind the emergent media organization, which has already made a big difference just within one year.

Professor Vestal, Professor Emeritus at Oklahoma State University, noted that freedom of speech is one of the most important pillars of a democratic order. “The inescapable necessity of democracy is the free flow of information. In a democratic state, there is an inter-relatedness of the media with government and the general public in this free flow of information,” he said. He underlined that democracy means the power to choose freely, an idea which can be an illusion without information. Prof. Vestal pointed out that citizens have to have the ability “to denounce their rulers and each other without fear of official retribution.”

“The people will ultimately find the truth and the truth will make them free….Let me urge you to support ESAT. Give generously and provide your enthusiastic support this enthusiastic effort to bring the writing on the wall to dictators everywhere,” he said to the gathering.

“There is something about truth that will eventually cut through lies. The Meles Zenawi regime exists because of lies. It tries to convince people around the world it is ruling a multiethnic country and it is somewhat a democratic regime that is elected. Dr. Stanton said that ESAT is will greatly help the struggle for freedom in Ethiopia and every Ethiopian should support efforts to bring about change. Professor Vestal underlined that a democratic nation must have a free market of ideas, which is essential for the discovery and spread of truth, in order to guarantee meaningful democratic rights. Noting the necessity of building alternative media like ESAT to overcome oppression, he called upon Ethiopians not to give up the fight to make their voice heard and spread the truth. “Habesha never loses hope (Habesha Tesfa Aykortim),” he said in Amharic.

President of Genocide Watch, Dr. Gregory Stanton, said on his part that the Meles regime is based on lies. He said that ESAT is a powerful weapon in the battle to dismantle the regime founded on lies and divisiveness. He added that he was pleased to endorse the work of the Ethiopian Satellite Television. “It [ESAT] is one of the keys to overthrowing the tyrannical Meles regime,” he said. It was announced during the course of the event that hundreds of members of the Ethiopian Current Affairs Discussion Forum (ECADF) that attended the event live via Paltalk raised over $10,000 online within a few hours. The attendees of the event at the Sheraton expressed their appreciation to ECADF with a round of applause.

Artiste Getachew Abdi, former Director of the National Theatre and one of the staff members of ESAT, took the podium and told noted that ESAT is a unique opportunity for Ethiopians to break the shackles of tyranny. Famed artiste and activist Tamagne Beyene also said that ESAT must succeed at any cost. He expressed faith in the transformative power of ESAT in the face of the aspiration for change in Ethiopia. Sisay Agena also told the gathering that ESAT has kindled a great hope in Ethiopia, where the price of satellite dishes skyrocketed when ESAT was launched. Representing ESAT’s management, journalist Abebe Gellaw highlighted the challenges and opportunities facing ESAT. He said jamming is the number one challenge but stressed that ESAT will overcome the challenges and grab the historic opportunities ESAT is offering Ethiopians. “The battle in era of digital revolutions has just started. Ethiopians will not be silenced by tyrants,” he said.

Abebe Belew of Addis Dimts radio stressed on his part the necessity of a media organization like ESAT to make a difference and impact on the dynamics of the struggle for freedom. He commended the staff members of ESAT who are working in unison for a better tomorrow.

ESAT staffers Mulugeta Lule former editor of Tobia and among the most senior and veteran of Ethiopian journalists, Gizaw Legesse, Nebiyu Eyasu, former editor of Africa Kend, Abebe Gellaw, editor of Addis Voice , Sisaya Agena, former editor of Ethiop, Dereje Desta, editor of ZeEthiopia Newspaper, Mekuria G. Micheal, former TV anchor, Messay Mekonnen, former Deutsche Welle broadcaster and now ESAT Radio Manager, radio presenter Bruk Yibas, Tsegaye Mola, cameraman and film editor , Dereje Asamare, cameraman as well as other staffers in Washington DC, London and Amsterdam studios were recognized and commended for their hard work to make ESAT a veritable and irrepressible voice of the people of Ethiopia.

The event organizers and many who attended the event have expressed their pleasure with the successful event that united Ethiopians from all walks of life.

On Wednesday was the trial of the Swedish journalist Martin Schibbye and Johan Persson into its fourth day. The prosecutor was forced to admit that Ethiopian authorities manipulated journalists raw material so that it looks like they are shooting with automatic weapons.

Freelance journalist Martin Schibbye and Johan Persson smiled and looked relaxed when they arrived in the proceedings, the fourth day, wearing new shirts, tie and jacket.

Although the judge Shemsu Sirgaga said that negotiations would start promptly at 08:00 Swedish time he came himself 25 minutes late. Then it was discovered also that the English interpreter not turned up yet, and other minor criminal cases had to go before the Swedes.

An hour after the appointed time, but the translator has arrived, began negotiations with the prosecutor to present the photographic evidence against the Swedes. According to the judge, the images are taken from the Swedes’ own camera, laptop and mobile.

The prosecutor showed up two hours seized videotape, which was said to prove that the Swedes are guilty of terrorist crimes. The prosecutor showed after even a ten-minute cut of the Swedes’ raw materials.

- This is purely a propaganda film. Swedes raw materials has become the evidence against them, said Mats J. Larsson, DN’s reporter on location in Ethiopia.

The raw material could include Schibbye hear Martin say in Swedish: “That’s what we are waiting for, a small private army to take us across the border.” The prosecutor also showed interviews that Swedes conducted by Ethiopian guerrillas in Somalia and refugees in Kenya.

- Refugees in Kenya, says that the Ethiopian army forced him to leave his village in the Ogaden province. The soldiers tied him up, women and children and drove them away from the village because there was oil there. In another sequence say guerrillas interviewed anonymously inside Somalia that it’s Africa Oil, it is all about.

On Tuesday, did not show the image sequences where freelance journalists Johan Persson and Martin Schibbye posing with weapons in hand. The image sequences were included in evidence on Wednesday.

Both the Swedes seemed then stand at the machine guns. Martin Schibbye swallowed strained when his smiling face appeared on the film, and Johan Persson saw clearly troubled in the courtroom.

According to prosecution evidence weapons pictures of the journalists have received weapons training by the ONLF guerrillas, but the military denies and says that it was just “for fun” they did with the security guard in Somalia.

- It is obvious from the pictures they did not have any weapons with them when they are transported from Somalia to Ethiopia. They go and take the car and then only with the tape recorder and camera, said Mats J. Larsson.

The prosecutor was later forced to admit that they manipulated the ten minutes, cut the film together that was displayed and used as evidence.

- Propaganda film includes a shot in the background when Johan Persson will give the gun. The prosecutor admitted to a question from the judge: “You will hear a sound in this film, but not in the raw material, then why?” Then the prosecutor acknowledged that the film is manipulated.

Why did the prosecutor to be added to the shot noise?

- He said there are things you do when you make a summary, the addition of sound. It will make it clearer to see what the Swedes have been doing.

The defense has asked for a copy of everything seized video footage, and they also requested access to the still images prosecutor now presented. The judge denied the defense request, however, because the prosecutor says it’s his evidence.

- The judge said that the defense has time to give his explanation to the pictures during the process, said Mats J. Larsson.

Currently on trial four days, there were personnel from Sweden, Germany, EU and Canadian embassies. In addition to DN was also SVT and Ethiopian media in place. The case of the Swedes have been widely reported in the country because it is the first time that foreigners are prosecuted by the new terror laws.

On Thursday at seven Swedish time so the referee will decide whether the case should proceed, if the evidence is accepted, and when the defense the opportunity to present its arguments. The case will almost certainly continue because the Swedes had entered the country illegally.

- The footage clearly shows that the Swedes are there to portray what happens in the area. We think it’s journalistic work, but it is not clear that the Ethiopian government believes it, says Mats J. Larsson.

Is it a terrorist offense to enter the country illegally, even though you are unarmed?

- You have to understand that from the prosecution, it is sufficient that they are in the same car as the guerrillas so that they can be folded under terror laws. It is forbidden to interview the guerrillas, or even email them. All dealings with the guerrillas is prohibited.

Mats J. Larsson
matsj.larsson @ dn.se
Philip Ramqvist
philip.ramqvist @ dn.se

African Dictators: The People Don’t Love You!
By Alemayehu G. Mariam | Oct 31, 2011

African dictators: Those in the front row are all gone except Yemen’s Ali Saleh Abdela (2nd left) who’s still clinging to dear life In February 2011, at the onset of the Libyan Revolution, Moamar Gadhaffi trumpeted to the world, “They love me. All my people with me, they love me. They will die to protect me, my people.” He called the rebels fighting to oust him from power “rats and cockroaches”. He believed it was his birthright to rule Libya as “king of kings” and remained in total denial of his own doom until the bitter end in a sewer tunnel. In the end, in an ironic twist of fate, Gadhaffi was served poetic justice. He was trapped like a sewer rat and smashed like a cockroach as he begged for mercy: “Don’t shoot me!”
The man who had played God in Libya for 42 years died a wimpy thug. The man with the absolute power to decide who shall live and who shall die was shot down like a rabid dog in the street by a nameless rebel. The man who had tortured and abused so many thousands of his people in secret prisons and dungeons was himself tortured and abused with unspeakable inhumanity broadcast for the world to see.

The man who slaughtered thousands of his people ended up in the meat locker of a slaughterhouse where his victims gloated over his bloodied and half-naked body discarded on a filthy mattress like big game hunters inspecting their kill on an African safari. The man with the golden gun died from a lead bullet. The man-turned-monster who once called himself “brother leader,” “guide of the revolution,” “king of kings,” “Great Leader,” and “keeper of Arab nationalism” was escorted to his unmarked grave in the featureless desert by a swarm of hungry maggot-bearing flies. Only one question remained: Is it possible for Gandhi’s warning about dictators to have momentarily flashed before Gadhaffi’s eyes or echoed in his ears as he prepared to meet his Maker: “I remember that all through history the ways of truth and love have always won. There have been tyrants, and murderers, and for a time they can seem invincible, but in the end they always fall. Think of it–always.”
Gadhafi boasted he will die a hero and a martyr, but died a hated villain and a coward. But the manner of his death left an ugly blotch on the glorious record of the Libyan Revolution. Gadhaffi’s young captors, unable to contain their pent up rage, treated him with such unspeakably inhumanity that their actions spoke very poorly for all of humanity. His execution in the street was an ugly public testament to man’s inhumanity to man. Even the most wicked and depraved dictator is entitled to basic human dignity. But in the euphoria of the moment, Libyans erupted with celebration at the news Gadhaffi’s dehumanization and death. With muted jubilation and a sigh of relief, acting Prime Minister Mahmoud Jibril declared: “We have been waiting for this moment for a long time.” President Obama followed, “This marks the end of a long and painful chapter for Libya.”

Gadhaffi was the ultimate personification of the adage, “power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.” Over four decades, he became convinced that he was a god and untouchable by any man or law. He became an egomaniac, a megalomaniac, and a monomaniac. Gadhaffi and members of his family believed that they had a divine right to own Libya and Libyans as their personal property. His son Saif al-Islam threatened to dismember the country and plunge it into a civil war that “will last for 30 or 40 years” if anyone tries to oust his family. The young thug promised a bloodbath: “We will fight to the last minute, until the last bullet. I will fight until the last drop of my blood. We have a Plan A which is to live and die in Libya. Plan B which is to live and die in Libya…” Gadhaffi refused to resign and leave the country peacefully. He would not listen to reason and defiantly declared he would never negotiate, mediate, compromise or surrender. He urged his supporters to fight to the last man and watched Libya burn in a civil war holed up in the sewer. As many as thirty thousand Libyans are estimated to have died as a result of Gadhaffi’s futile attempt to cling to power.

The African People Do Not Love Their Dictators

They say love is blind. That is especially true for dictators. Dictators are so blind that they believe the people love them. Long before Gadhaffi announced to the world “my people love me”, his brother-dictator Saddam Hussien of Iraq told the interrogators who snatched him out his spider hole, “The Iraqi people will always love me.” He even authored a romantic novel and spoke through his main character (king): “I’m a great leader. You must obey me. Not only that, you must love me.”

Long before Saddam, the Italian Fascist leader Benito Mussolini pontificated, “With every beat of my heart, I give service to the Italian people. I feel that all Italians understand and love me.” Idi Amin of Uganda was less sentimental: “The people should love their leader!”; and if they don’t he had his own tough love methods to get the job done. Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire would often chuckle and tell foreign correspondents that not only do his people love him, they want him to stay in power because the “people need me.” Mengistu Hailemariam believed that he ruled with an iron fist out of patriotic duty and love of country. No doubt he loved Ethiopia to death, and proved it for seventeen years by killing thousands of its citizens wantonly. Last May, in a victory speech, Meles Zenawi said he won the election by 99.6 percent because the Ethiopian people love his party and implicitly himself as the party leader. He said the people “consider themselves and the EPRDF [Zenawi’s party] as two sides of a coin” and “nothing can ever shake their unwavering support for our organization.” He returned the love by congratulating them for their “high sense of judgment and fairness” and for “giv[ing] us the mandate through your votes.”

African dictators are so tone-deaf that they just don’t get the message no matter how many times it is repeated to them. Perhaps they might understand if told in sign language: T-H-E P-E-O-P-L-E D-O-N-’T L-O-V-E Y-O-U! In fact, they loathe you. It is a raw and visceral feeling that is manifest in the eyes, thoughts and words of the people. African dictators love having absolute power and boundless privilege. They worship at the altar of money. They love themselves and no one else because they are narcissistic. Every day they look into the ghostly mirror in their minds seeking reassurance: “Mirror, mirror!! Who is the smartest, cleverest, boldest, cruelest, wickedest, trickiest, slickest, shrewdest, quickest, savviest, cunningest… of them all? The answer is always the same.

African dictators are all self-delusional and spend most of their time on Planet Denial. In the face of total repudiation by their people, they invent their own mythology of self-grandeur. They reassure themselves that even if the people don’t love them, “history will one day vindicate me”. To avoid facing the truth, they categorically claim that they have “never killed even a fly and all the crimes I’m accused of are all lies perpetrated by my enemies.” They justify their cruelty by making the excuse that “my country is better off under me” than the previous regime. They brag about their accomplishments “successfully managing the transition from military dictatorship to an emerging democracy” and put themselves out as messiahs who “rekindle hope through a renaissance” and “chart a course of optimism” on a “trajectory of fast economic growth.” African dictators are as loveable as an African scorpion.

Perhaps it is a bit of an overstatement to say African dictators do not love their people. They do. They love to kill them; they love to jail them and torture them. They love to intimidate them, and most of all they love to crush them like cockroaches. How they love to rob, steal and cheat them! They thrive on the blood, sweat and tears of their people. African dictators love their people in much the same way as vampires love people. They love the sound of their own voices which resonate with lies, echo with deceit and jangle with hate: Those who oppose them are “rats and cockroaches” and “terrorists and insurrectionists”.

Did Gadhaffi Cheat the Libyan People in Death as He Did in Life?

It was jarring, confusing and troubling to hear acting Libyan Prime Minister Mahmoud Jibril declare on the confirmation of Gadhaffi’s death that “We have been waiting for this moment for a long time.” I wish he had said, “The day we have been waiting for was the day Gadhaffi is brought to the bar of justice.” I wish the rebel fighter who shot Gadhafi in the face would have said the same thing that young fighter who captured the dictator Laurent Gbagbo of Cote d’Ivoire said a few months ago. “We attacked and forced in a part of the bunker. Gbagbo was there with his wife and his son. He was slapped by a soldier, but was not otherwise hurt.”

The moment to wait for would have been that precious moment when Moamar Muhammad Abu Minyar al-Gaddafi stood in the dock in a Libyan court or at the International Criminal Court in the Hague listening to the long list of criminal charges as his victims paraded in one by one wagging an accusatory finger at him. That would have been a historic moment worth waiting for no matter how long it took.

Gadhaffi is one of the top ten worst human rights abusers and criminals of the post-World War II era. I personally believe he is the apotheosis of evil. Regardless, I fully respect his human rights, including his right to a presumption of innocence and unabashedly defend his basic human right to proof of guilt beyond a reasonable doubt in a court of law based exclusively on legally admissible evidence. This I believe to be the true meaning of human rights. Even monsters walking amongst us in human skin are entitled to due process (fair trial) and must be protected from lynching or street, mob or vigilante justice. The line that separates the rule of law from the rule of one man or the rule of the mob is a mighty slender one; and the rule of law must be defended at all costs against those who seek to breach it. It is easy to defend the human rights of Eman al-Obeidy, the courageous Libyan woman who was gang-raped by Gadhaffi’s thugs or Gadhaffi’s revenge killing victims. But it is infinitely more difficult to stand up for monsters like Gadhaffi; but the ironic truth is that the brand of human rights that fully protects Eman al-Obeidy also protects fully the monster once known as Moamar Muhammad Abu Minyar al-Gaddafi.

But I am afraid Gadhaffi in his death, as in his lifetime, got away with murder and torture and all sorts of crimes against humanity. He cheated al-Obeidy and the Libyan people out of justice. He cheated them out of the TRUTH. Now, al-Obeidy will never get the chance to confront Gadhaffi in a court of law, wag her delicate fingers at him as her tears roll down her cheeks and scream with all her might, “Gadhaffi! I accuse of rape and torture!” Her tears which testified before the court of world opinion and seared the conscience of all humanity will never get the chance to testify against Gadhaffi in a court of law and have him held accountable.

The truth is now buried with Gadhafi’s corpse and lost forever in the featureless sand dunes of the Sahara. His humiliation will give no satisfaction to al-Obeidy or the thousands of other innocent victims in Libya or those he blew up on Pan Am flight 103. The ghoulish public display of his corpse as a trophy game animal and all the gloating that went with it might give momentary satisfaction to some but it will never quench Libyans’ thirst for justice that could have come only from bringing Gadhaffi to trial. By taking the truth to his grave, Gadhaffi had the last laugh. He took his last revenge on the Libyan people for he knew that there could be no reconciliation in Libya without the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth laid bare before the people. It is too bad that Gadhaffi was given the easy way out!

The End of African Dictators

Winston Churchill said, “Dictators ride to and fro upon tigers which they dare not dismount. And the tigers are getting hungry.” President John Kennedy cautioned us to “remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.” He warned the “new states” liberated from colonialism that “Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.”

The people of Africa are beating the drums of change and democracy and encircling the mud walls of African dictatorships. The die is now cast and African dictators will have to make a choice. The smart ones will read the writing on the wall and beat feet to enjoy their stolen loot in comfort and luxury in the sanctuary of well-known “dictatordoms”. Ben Ali and Mengustu are doing just that now as did Idi Amin before them. The stubborn ones will stick around and face the scales of justice. Mubarak is doing that now as did Jean-Bedel Bokassa, the self-proclaimed Emperor of the Central African Republic, before him. The self-delusional ones like Gadhaffi and Laurent Gbagbo of Cote d’Ivoire and Samuel Doe of Liberia before them will cause a civil war to cling to power only to find themselves at the mercy of their ferocious and vengeance-thirsty adversaries. The rest will try to hide and hope their crimes will not catch up with them. Like Robert Mugabe and Omar al-Bashir, they will always be looking over their shoulders for the long arm of international law or the sharp tiger claws of the people that will one day surely hook them. African dictators who make peaceful change impossible will make vigilante justice possible as they peek straight through the barrel of a gun whimpering, “Don’t shoot me! Please don’t shoot me!” African dictators, there is a better way. Show your people some love. LEAVE THEM!

Syria’s Assad warns of “earthquake” if West intervenes
By Ralph Gowling, Reuters | October 30, 2011

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BEIRUT (Reuters) – Western powers risk causing an “earthquake” across the Middle East if they intervene in Syria, President Bashar al-Assad said, after protesters called for foreign protection from a crackdown in which 3,000 people have been killed.
Assad’s warning came ahead of Syrian government talks on Sunday with the Arab League aimed at starting a dialogue between the government and opposition and ending violence which has escalated across Syria in recent days.

Activists said Syrian forces killed more than 50 civilians in the last 48 hours and one activist group said suspected army deserters killed 30 soldiers in clashes in the city of Homs and in an ambush in the northern province of Idlib on Saturday.

Assad’s suppression of the seven-month uprising has drawn criticism from the United Nations and Arab League. Western governments have called on him to step down and imposed sanctions on Syrian oil exports and state businesses.

Western countries “are going to ratchet up the pressure, definitely,” Assad told Britain’s Sunday Telegraph newspaper.

“But Syria is different in every respect from Egypt, Tunisia, Yemen. The history is different. The politics is different.”

“Syria is the hub now in this region. It is the fault line, and if you play with the ground you will cause an earthquake.”

WESTERN STANCE

NATO military intervention in Libya played a decisive role in toppling Muammar Gaddafi, the third Arab leader to be overthrown after the revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt.

Western nations have shown no appetite to repeat their Libyan operation in Syria, but demonstrators are increasingly calling for a “no-fly zone” over their country.

“Do you want to see another Afghanistan, or tens of Afghanistans?” Assad said. “Any problem in Syria will burn the whole region. If the plan is to divide Syria, that is to divide the whole region.”

Since the start of protests in March, Syrian authorities have blamed the violence on foreign-backed gunmen and religious extremists they say have killed 1,100 soldiers and police.

Syria has barred most international media, making it hard to verify accounts from activists and authorities.

But the resilience of the protesters, the determination of authorities to crush dissent and the emerging armed insurgency have combined to make Syria’s turmoil one of the most intractable confrontations of this year’s Arab uprisings.

Assad, whose father put down an armed Muslim Brotherhood uprising in the city of Hama in 1982, killing many thousands, said the latest crisis was part of the same conflict.

“We’ve been fighting the Muslim Brotherhood since the 1950s and we are still fighting with them,” he said.

Authorities had made “many mistakes” in the early part of the uprising, but he said the situation had now improved and that he had started implementing reform within a week of the troubles erupting in mid-March.

“The pace of reform is not too slow. The vision needs to be mature. It would take only 15 seconds to sign a law, but if it doesn’t fit your society, you’ll have division,” he said.

Assad’s opponents say although he lifted emergency law and gave citizenship to thousands of stateless Kurds, his promises of reform ring hollow while security forces kill protesters and arrest thousands of people. They also say protests are driven by a desire for greater freedoms, not by an Islamist agenda.

Friday’s shooting of demonstrators prompted Arab ministers to issue their strongest call yet on Assad to end the killing of civilians.

The Arab League’s committee on the Syrian crisis sent an “urgent message to the Syrian government expressing its severe discontent over the continued killing of Syrian civilians.”

A source at Syria’s Foreign Ministry, quoted by state media, said the Arab League statement was “based on media lies” and urged the committee to “help restore stability in Syria instead of stirring sedition.”

An Arab League ministerial group is due to meet Syrian officials on Sunday in Qatar to press for dialogue between the government and opposition.

Syria, a majority Sunni Muslim nation of 20 million people, is dominated by Assad’s minority Alawite sect, an offshoot of Shi’ite Islam.

Aware of potentially seismic geopolitical implications if Assad were to fall, leaders in the mostly Sunni Arab world have been cautious about criticising the Syrian president as they struggle with domestic challenges to their own rule.

Sunni ascendancy in Syria could affect Israel and shake up regional alliances. Assad strengthened ties with Shi’ite Iran while also upholding his father’s policy of avoiding conflict with Israel on the occupied Golan Heights frontier.

Syria has barred most international media, making it hard to verify accounts from activists and authorities

The Swedish-Eritrean journalist Dawit Isaak has been moved from prison in Eritrea.
It said the journalist Lars Adaktusson of radio 1.
Several people familiar with the fear that Isaac is dead.
The data are as yet unconfirmed officially, and it is also unclear where Dawit Isaak has instead been moved.
Mehari Abraham, exileritreansk social commentator and journalist for television Zete in Stockholm, says that there is evidence to suggest that Isaak could be dead.
- We have been informed that he no longer found in his cell. He has moved or is he no longer says Mehari Abraham told Aftonbladet.
Been right earlier
The sources for him said that Isaac is no longer in prison have at least 15 previous cases have been confirmed deaths in prison. Abraham should have received information in the month of October.
- It is very credible information based on my experience. He is not there in the prison.
Although the senator Arhe Hamednaca (S) with roots in Eritrea is concerned.
The Radio 1 he says that he received information about Dawit Isaak two months ago.
- There are some who have called me. A senior person who works in an organization with international connections rang me and said “we have information, we have heard that Dawit is no longer alive,” he says.
He should not have received the data completely confirmed.
- But we know how this government is acting. None of them are top politicians and government critics have been living from these prisons, he says in Lars Adaktussons programs.
UD does not confirm
In the Swedish Foreign Ministry can not able to confirm the data presented in the radio 1.
Anders Jörle, press officer at the Foreign Office.
- I have no opportunity to comment on it, we have no such information here. There have been such details before.
Do you know that he should have been moved from prison?
- No, I know personally are not into it. We are looking at whether there is any information about it internally.
Dawit Isaak famijl state that they were not informed about the new information.
- We have not heard anything, says Bethlehem Isaak told Aftonbladet.
Increase the pressure
Jesper Bengtsson at Reporters Without Borders says to Aftonbladet that he wants the Foreign Office increases the pressure on Eritrea to for information.
How do you see information that Isaak could be dead?
- It is extremely disturbing, but what it means at present we do not know. As there has been no confirming information about his fate in the last six years. Anyone who has worked on this have been aware that it may have happened things with him that we do not know about.
How does it affect your effort to get Dawit Isaak’s release?
- It does nothing right now, we must still assume that he is alive and can be released. Basically, change nothing, even though this is very alarming, says Bengtsson.
Sebastian Chaaban
Victor Stone Quist
Josefin Berglund
Josefin Karlsson

Ethiopia: Kangaroo justice for two Swedish journalists
By Alemayehu G Mariam | Oct 24, 2011

Prof. Al Mariam

Swedish journalist Martin Schibbye (left) & photographer Johan Persson in Kangaroo Court The old adage is that “ignorance of the law is no excuse.” Could it be said equally that arrogance excuses ignorance of the law? Dictator-in-chief Meles Zenawi recently proclaimed the guilt of freelance Swedish journalists Johan Persson and Martin Schibbye on charges of “terrorism” while visiting Norway. He emphatically declared that the duo had crossed into Ethiopia from Somalia with insurgents of the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) as terrorist accomplices and collaborators: “They are, at the very least, messenger boys of a terrorist organization. They are not journalists. Why would a journalist be involved with a terrorist organization and enter a country with that terrorist organization, escorted by armed terrorists, and participate in a fighting in which this terrorist organization was involved? If that is journalism, I don’t know what terrorism is.”

At a “court” hearing last week, Persson denied the charges: “My intention was to do my job as a journalist and describe the conflict. Nothing else. Not guilty.” Schibbye admitted “entering the country without proper documentation. For that I am guilty and I apologize to the government of Ethiopia. But I am not guilty of terrorist activity.” Shimeles Kemal, the “chief prosecutor” was full of hyperbole when he laid out his “legal” case in a press conference. He claimed the two journalists “entered the country with a gang of terrorists. They have even been trained in using weapons. They are accused of abetting and rendering professional assistance to terrorists. Their activities go a bit beyond just journalistic news gathering.”
Criminalizing, demonizing and dehumanizing journalists, opposition leaders and dissidents as “terrorists”, “insurrectionists”, “treasonous” traitors, etc. is Zenawi’s signature M.O. (method of operation). When Zenawi jailed editors of several newspapers following the 2005 elections, he described them in much the same way: “For us, these are not just journalists. They will not be charged for violating the press laws. They will charged, like the CUD leaders, for treason.” This past June, Zenawi ordered the arrest and detention of two young and dynamic journalists, Woubshet Taye, deputy editor of the weekly Awramba Times and Reeyot Alemu, columnist for the weekly Feteh, on fuzzy accusations of terrorism. Last month, Zenawi’s “chief prosecutor” ordered the arrest and detention of the distinguished Ethiopian journalist Eskinder Nega “for conspiring with terrorist organizations such as Ginbot 7 and other foreign forces who wanted to wreak havoc in the country through their terrorist activities.” When Zenawi wants to jail journalists, he simply brands them as “terrorists” or smears them with a similar label and carts them off to jail.

The Committee to Protect Journalists roundly condemned Zenawi’s statement as “compromising” the Swedish journalists’ human right to a “presumption of innocence and for predetermining the outcome of their case”. But much more is compromised, including the rule of law, principles of due process and fair trial, the universal principle that it is the accuser, and not the accused, who bears the burden of proof in a criminal case, the principle that guilt is proven in a court of law with an independent judiciary and not before a full court press or the court of international opinion. Ultimately, Zenawi’s statement compromised justice itself.

When Zenawi tagged these two journalists as “terrorist messenger boys” and “participants in the actions of a terrorist organization”, he had in fact sealed their fate and pronounced the final word in kangaroo justice. There is no way that Persson and Schibbye could possibly get a fair trial or not be convicted following such an outrageous and egregiously depraved statement by Zenawi.

Difference Between Journalists and Terrorists

Zenawi sarcastically mocked the two Swedish journalists by rhetorically asking if what they did is “journalism, I don’t know what terrorism is.” Zenawi is entitled to some basic clarification by means of concrete examples. War crimes (“the wanton destruction of cities, towns and villages, and any devastation not justified by military or civilian necessity [Geneva Convention]” are acts of state terrorism. So are crimes against humanity (“widespread or systematic attack directed against any civilian population, murder, forcible transfer of population, imprisonment or other severe deprivation of physical liberty in violation of fundamental rules of international law, torture, [Rome Statute]”. The “systematic use of violence to create a general climate of fear in a population and thereby to bring about a particular political objective” by an “extremely powerful political police against an atomized and defenseless population” is plain old-fashioned terrorism that is familiar to the average Ethiopian citizen.

When journalists are embedded with a regular or an irregular military unit and go into a conflict or war zone, they are engaged in “combat journalism”. When journalists dig for facts in places where there is an official news blackout, they are engaged in investigative journalism. When journalists undertake dangerous assignments and cover stories firsthand from a war zone, they are often called war correspondents. When independent reporters, writers and photojournalists accept specific assignments to cover particular stories, they are engaged in freelance journalism. It is because of freelance journalists that the world has come to know so much about the war crimes and human rights abuses that took place in such places like Kosovo, Angola, Sierra Leone, Lebanon, Afghanistan, Iraq, Liberia and many other places.

Oftentimes insurgent and rebel groups distrust professional journalists affiliated with established news organizations. They are more likely to cooperate with freelance journalists who often take great risks to their own safety to undertake firsthand investigations by entering a country at war or in conflict without a visa. Schibbye has been a foreign correspondent and freelance journalist for several newspapers, including The Times, Amelia and Proletären. He has worked in Algeria, the Philippines, Cuba, Syria and Vietnam, among other countries. Persson has worked with Kontinent, a Swedish photojournalist agency, for several years and taken many dangerous assignments in various countries including the Democratic Republic of Congo and South Sudan. Both are professional journalists, and until now have never been suspected of any terrorist activity or involvement of any kind by any other country or international agency.

The Human Right to a Fair Trial

Zenawi seems to be uninformed, willfully ignorant or recklessly indifferent to the human rights of the two journalists. The fact of the matter is that Persson and Schibbye are presumed to be innocent of any and all charges of “terrorism” until they have been given a fair chance to defend themselves and their guilt proven beyond a reasonable doubt by their accusers in court. So says the Ethiopian Constitution under Art. 20 (3): “During proceedings accused persons have the right to be presumed innocent.” So says the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) under Art. 11: “Everyone charged with a penal offence has the right to be presumed innocent until proved guilty according to law in a public trial at which they have had all the guarantees necessary for their defence.” So says the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) under Art. 14 (2): “Everyone charged with a criminal offence shall have the right to be presumed innocent until proved guilty according to law.” So says the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights (ACHPR) under Art. 7 (b): “The right to be presumed innocent until proved guilty by a competent court or tribunal.” Art. 13 (2) of the Ethiopian Constitution provides double guarantees: “The fundamental rights and freedoms enumerated in this Chapter shall be interpreted in a manner consistent with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, international human rights covenants and conventions ratified by Ethiopia.” (Also art. 9 (4).) Ethiopia ratified the UDHR in 1948, the ICCPR in 1993 and the ACHPR in 1998.

Article 13(1) mandates Zenawi to respect and enforce the provisions of the Constitution, including Articel 20 (3). He violated his constitutional duty under Art. 9 (2) by publicly declaring the guilt of Persson and Schibbye and characterizing them as “messenger boys of terrorists”, “participants in terrorism” and terrorist accomplices before they have had a chance to present a defense and a determination of their guilt made by a fair and neutral tribunal.

The presumption of innocence is the “golden thread” in the laws of all civilized nations. It is the gold standard of fundamental fairness which places the entire burden of proof in a criminal case on the state. It is the singular duty of the prosecution representing the state to present compelling and legally admissible evidence in court to convince the trier of fact that the accused is guilty of the charges beyond a reasonable doubt. Persson and Schibbye guilt is not to be proven in a press conference in Oslo or in the court of public opinion.

The presumption of innocence requires that there be no pronouncement of guilt of the defendant by responsible officials likely to have a role or influence the judicial process prior to a finding of guilt by a court. Even when prosecutors make statements concerning the defendant to inform the public on the status of their investigation or articulate their suspicion of guilt, they have a legal and ethical duty to do so in a factual manner and narrowly limited to the allegedly violated laws, while always exercising reasonable care not to unduly prejudice the defendant’s right to a presumption of innocence or improperly influence the fact finder.

Trial by Diktat

Expecting a fair trial in kangaroo court is like expecting democracy in a dictatorship. Persson and Schibbye will be convicted by Zenawi’s diktat just as the journalists and opposition leaders were convicted before them. Following the 2005 election, Zenawi publicly declared: “The CUD (Kinijit) leaders are engaged in insurrection — that is an act of treason under Ethiopian law. They will be charged and they will appear in court.” They appeared in “court” and were convicted. In December 2008, Zenawi railroaded Birtukan Midekssa, the first female political party leader in Ethiopian history, to prison on the bogus charge that she had denied receiving a pardon. She was not even accorded the ceremonial kangaroo court proceedings. Zenawi sent her straight from the street into solitary confinement by diktat and sadistically delcared: “There will never be an agreement with anybody to release Birtukan. Ever. Full stop. That’s a dead issue.” He “pardoned” her in October 2010. In 2009, Zenawi’s right hand man labeled 40 defendants awaiting trial “desperadoes” who planned to “assassinate high ranking government officials and destroying telecommunication services and electricity utilities and create conducive conditions for large scale chaos and havoc.” They were all “convicted” and given long sentences. For Zenawi, court trials are nothing more than circus sideshows staged for the benefit of Western donors who know better but go along to get along.

No Fair Trial Possible fort the Swedish Journalists in Kangaroo Court

Everyone knows the charge of “terrorism” against Persson and Schibbye is bogus. It is a trumped up charge made by prosecutors who are directed, pressured, threatened and politically manipulated. Everyone knows there are no independent judges who preside in cases involving defendants facing “terrorism” and other political charges. Everyone knows the so-called judges in terrorism “trials” are party hacks and lackeys enrobed in judicial regalia. This is not the conclusion of a partisan advocate but the considered view of the U.S. Government and various international human rights organizations. Human Rights Watch concluded in its 2007 report: “In high-profile cases, courts show little independence or concern for defendants’ procedural rights… The judiciary often acts only after unreasonably long delays, sometimes because of the courts’ workloads, more often because of excessive judicial deference to bad faith prosecution requests for time to search for evidence of a crime.” The 2010 U.S. State Department Country Reports on Human Rights Practices concluded: “The law provides for an independent judiciary. Although the civil courts operated with a large degree of independence, the criminal courts remained weak, overburdened, and subject to significant political intervention and influence.”

Everyone also knows that there is no such thing as the rule of law in Ethiopia because dictatorship is very antitheses of the rule of law. Zenawi’s diktat is “The Law”, which trumps the constitution and all international human rights conventions. Ethiopia’s former president and parliamentarian Dr. Negasso Gidada described the so-called antiterrorism law as a tool of legalized terrorism which “violates citizens’ rights to privacy” and the “ rights of all peoples of Ethiopia…Such laws are manipulated to weaken political roles of opposition groups there by arresting and prosecuting them using the bill as a cover. Another major opposition leader, Bulcha Demeksa, described the same “law” as a “a weapon designed by the ruling party not only to weaken and totally eliminate all political opponents.” In other words, the “anti-terrorism law” under which the two Swedish journalists are charged is a weapon of mass incarceration and intimidation of political opponents and journalists, mass persecution of the political opposition and mass oppression of the civilian population.

The Silence of Sweden

Swedish Foreign Minister Carl Bildt has been severely criticized for his apparent indifference and failure to help the two Swedish journalists or even publicly demand their release in light of the bogus terrorism charges. Critics argue that Bildt dragged his feet and failed to secure their release in the crucial first days of the detention of the two journalists because of a potential conflict of interest as the two journalists were also investigating the activities of a company affiliated to Lundin Petroleum, a Swedish oil group which has natural gas operations in the Ogaden. Bildt is said to have served as board member of Lundin Petroleum, prior to becoming foreign minister. In January 2009, Swedish International Development Cooperation Minister Gunilla Carlsson issued a statement declaring that the “imprisonment of Birtukan Midekssa is a source of great concern both for her personally and for democratic development in Ethiopia. The scope for democracy and pluralism is shrinking in Ethiopia. The imprisonment of Mrs Midekssa and the recently adopted law regulating the activities and funding of NGOs (non-governmental organisations) are examples of this negative development.”

Swedish journalist and writer Bengt Nilsson has argued that Sweden for decades has turned a blind eye as its development aid has been used to support dictatorships and finance wars in Africa. The Swedish government’s “new policy for Africa” claims to be based upon “economic growth, deeper democracy and stronger protection of human rights as the basis for development in Africa.” How the Swedish government will “deal” its way out of the “crisis” of the two journalists will show if Sweden will continue to support African dictatorships or use it aid dollars to help democratize Africa and protect the human rights of the African peoples.

What is the Kangaroo Trial of the Swedish Journalists Really About?

Back in August 2010, Zenawi announced he will close his embassy in Sweden because “there is no development cooperation program of any substance between us and Sweden. There is no major trading relationship between us and Sweden, and no significant investment coming from Sweden to Ethiopia. It was not worthwhile to have an embassy [in Sweden]”. Diplomacy for Zenawi is striclty business. Without being too cynical, one could surmise that the terrorism charge against the two Swedish journalists is intended to provide a diversionary cover for Zenawi’s real agenda. Given Zenawi’s past M.O., it is manifest that he aims to use this opportunity to extract some major concessions from the Swedes: “If they want Persson and Schibbye freed, it’s gonna cost ’em. What are the Swedes willing to pay? How about reopneing the aid pipeline? After all, Ethiopia is the first country to have received Swedish aid back in 1954. How about some cash loans? Increased trade? Perhaps new investments? It is said that the largest investor in the whole of Sweden is an Ethiopian.” Let’s make a deal!

There is no way Zenawi could jail Persson and Schibbye for fifteen years as terrorists. He will galvanize Swedish and European Union public opinion against him personally and very possibly trigger devastating sanctions that will completely paralyze his regime. Even the Americans who have been turning a blind eye for all these years may finally take a look and tell Zenawi enough is enough. So, there is no question that after the kangaroo court circus is over Persson and Schibbye will be released. As usual, Zenawi will grandstand and declare the two journalists have been pardoned and released after they admitted guilt, expressed remorse and so on. The Swedes and some of the Western countries will play their part and congratulate him for doing the right thing and acting magnaimously; and he will continue with business as usual—more Ethiopian journalists will be jailed and threatened, dissidents harassed and opposition leaders persecuted. But the lesson remains the same: By manufacturing a bogus crisis, Zenawi, true to form, would have once again outwitted, outfoxed, outsmarted, outmaneuvered, outpoliticked, outtricked, outfinessed and outplayed his timorous Western benefactors. As the old saying goes, one has to give the devil his due for a job well done! Bravissimo!

Release all political prisoners in Ethiopia, now!

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